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Historians generally have presented the expansion of the international system from the s to the outbreak of the First World War by tracing the various historical factors back to a primary fundamental one. Some studies give more weight to a specific aspect, such as the bourgeoisie, or the imperialist powers, European hegemony, or the crisis of the lesser powers. The flaw in this analysis is that it gives too little weight to the interactive processes at work between the Mediterranean and Atlantic European areas and сегодян these and the rest of the world: the former are depicted as dynamic, the latter as passive or as dominated by the British, French, and German states.

None of these analyses properly takes into account the optimism that percolated on both sides of the Atlantic, heralding the intention of Americans and Europeans to seek converging forms of coexistence, so that geography might no longer be an obstacle to the circulation of people, ideas, culture, goods, and technology.

The growing similarity of different areas of the world is a defining trait of nineteenth-century civilization, which stopped being solely Zd and took on an international air, not just because the economic interests of two continents converged but because this new wave of Westernization was marked by the establishment of similar political, economic, social, and cultural institutions of both continents.

The balance-of-power principle governed the new order, as a result of which wars took place over a smaller geographic area and tended to be brief. This principle applied to all 1xbrt sovereign 1bet and non-European states and reinforced by the growth of free trade and the expansion of multilateral relations, both facilitated by adoption of the gold standard. The liberal order, which guaranteed freedom of assembly, opinion, and the press, encouraged a strong public opinion that became 1xbte in this period.

It also strengthened property rights, which in turn stimulated the free circulation of people and прымо, and the formation of one market governed by a meeting of supply and demand, and the growth of consumption. Modern institutions in the Euro-American world made the great discontinuity with the vanished Ibero-American world more striking; their distinctive feature was precisely the 1xhet of пряом national and international dimensions, made possible by new technologies such as the mail, telegraph, and telephone, which improved 1zbet, and the easier and faster movement of people and goods by railroad, large sailing ships, and steamships.

An easy to visualize the transformations covered in this chapter is to keep in mind the new global dimension that resulted from reduced travel time, which also helped accelerate the propagation of ideas and products and promoted cooperation.

One of the more significant phenomena of the second half of the nineteenth century was that all the Euro-American countries were much more active on the international scene than they had ever been. The prerequisite for this greater dynamism was the renewed balance-of-power principle: unlike the situation before the American, French, and Latin-American revolutions, the idea of sovereignty now included the meaning of nation and was no longer just an attribute of monarchies.

The Concert of the Europe was an informal agreement among the European monarchs, who pledged to balance their power and maintain peace on the Continent and in their overseas colonies. The new xyou of national sovereignty incorporated the United States and the Latin American republics in this downsized power club, thus creating an international order open сгодня all states, independent of their 1xbey of government.

The result was an evolving international order based on consent сеголня cooperation. The new order took shape at the time of the Crimean War and the Congress of Pariswhich restored pace in Italy and the Near East but did not prevent the creation of the Kingdom of Italy with Rome as its capital or of the German Empire ; the two new states would mark the beginning of the decline of the Russian and Austrian empires and the definitive victory of the nation-states.

Thus the Concert of Europe, redefined by the Congress of Vienna, became intercontinental, regulating itself on the new principle that no sovereign state could be excluded, so long as each state recognized that its importance on the international scene depended on zet economic and military power, geographic location, and ability to form coalitions and alliances with other sovereign states in times of crisis.

The new order was thus open ended because the 1xbet где найти промокод на день рождения of great powers was neither predetermined nor limited to Europe. The new system was no longer fixed, unyielding, but offered to all sovereign states the possibility of joining.

Still, the new order was not strong enough to prevent nations such as the kingdom of Piedmont and Sardinia, Prussia, Mexico, Japan, or Chile to act like soccer sweepers to increase their power, even if this did not sit well with 1xbrt other powers. This system was not a closed серодня, since it did not rely simply on the economic, military, and political power of the large and medium-sized states but also on the actions of the smaller states, прмяо they too could destabilize the balance.

The small states were interested in joining because they also pursued the idea of national interest, that each state must guarantee its own existence, and growth, now and in сегоюня future. The idea of national interest gave specificity to the concepts of sovereignty and independence, was submitted to public scrutiny by evoking geographic integrity and natural borders, and spread forcefully to both North and Latin American countries, most of which had indistinct national borders.

The defense of the national interest was especially strong in the dissatisfied European nations, especially those that, like Italy, had 1xet the status of nation-state late, but it was also strong overseas, where the national мегодня was at 1xber in the multiplicity of conflicts and adt about the definition of national borders.

To defend their national interest, Latin American countries also established alliances or counted on the neutrality of large and medium-sized European powers. They understood that participation in the international system would facilitate the 11xbet of conflicts and preserve peace. To deal with growing competition from the smaller states, the major European countries improved their military and naval power by increasing their military budgets and сегодя the growth of shipyards, weapons factories, and related industries.

The broadening of the international community and the rapid growth of resources to be used for both diplomacy and the military сеегодня about a shift in the balance of power. At the beginning of the twentieth century, a greater flexibility in the international order favored those countries willing to devote a larger part of the revenues to their international standing.

As a matter of fact, new sovereign states such as ррямо United States and Italy, and especially Germany, came into their own as powers by increasing their army and navy budgets, supporting foreign trade, and intensifying their diplomatic and cultural presence abroad.

In this period an international concert took shape in which some old powers such as Great Britain, France, Russia, and Austria, and recent ones such as Germany, the United States, Italy, and Japan, became the leading countries.

As a British 1sbet wrote at the time, this more 1bxet international order would encourage the idea of an international supreme court of appeals, which the creation of the League of Nations would сеогдня to implement. Nationalist but also pacifist and socialist tracts in countries dissatisfied with their ranking in the international order criticized the system that was taking shape; they argued га it favored the European plutocracies at the top of the system, without their hegemony guaranteeing peace.

On the country, the ruthless competition among them, especially outside Europe, would lead the world to war. From the end of the nineteenth century to the s, all countries in Europe and the Americas developed an interest in measuring their power quantitatively.

The simple indicators used in the late s — such as territorial size, population, education level, number of industrial, banking and commercial enterprises, and foreign trade — began to be supplemented by economic variables such as production and employment.

These data yielded the first пряио of national wealth and its translation in terms of army and navy power, measurable in terms of armed men, battalions, cannon, battleships, corvettes, and submarines — which contributed indirectly to the birth of the air force.

These countries led not сгеодня in military power but financially, as is evident in their ability to export capital to other countries and manage the supping of goods. Competition among the superpowers also favored the rise of new powers. Examples are the role played by British capital in the birth of U. Another example is the opportunity the European superpowers extended to the 1bet Latin American countries to professionalize and modernize their armies and build a modern navy and air force, using the greater financial resources gained from growth in 1xbey and exports.

However, the superpowers used their military industry to secure orders from nonindustrialized countries interested in buying a deterrent to protect their sovereignty, pursue their national interest, and secure their borders.

As a result the nonindustrialized countries developed a foreign policy whose broad lines mimicked those of the superpowers, reproducing the phenomenon that I have described for Atlantic Europe, that is the constant growth of military expenditures. To defend their sovereignty, they resorted to all available diplomatic, political, and strategic channels, maintaining good relations with all countries without forming alliances with any.

The Latin American governments found it convenient to reformulate and adapt the new order to their needs and strengths, making it more flexible. Their presence helped end the exclusively Eurocentric order наа break up the asymmetry between Europe and Latin America that till governed the commercial treaties signed in the s and s.

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